quarta-feira, abril 08, 2009

«Dr. Robert Reid Kalley e o estabelecimento do Presbiterianismo em Portugal e no Brasil» - Rui A. Costa Oliveira


Dr. Robert Reid Kalley e o estabelecimento do Presbiterianismo em Portugal e no Brasil

Rui A. Costa Oliveira
Centro de Estudos em Ciência das Religiões

(...)

Dr. Robert Reil Kalley

O Dr. Robert Kalley tem nota biográfica obrigatória em todos os estudos da difusão da Reforma, a partir do século XIX, e de forma especial naqueles que privilegiam a missionação protestante.
De facto, deve-se a este médico escocês a iniciativa de implantar uma comunidade protestante em território português – na ilha da Madeira, entre 1838 e 1846 – e, no Brasil, o estabelecimento da primeira igreja protestante com serviços religiosos em língua portuguesa, entre 1855 e 1876.
Robert Reid Kalley nasceu em 1809, na Escócia. Estudou Farmácia e Medicina, em Glasgow, donde saiu diplomado em Cirurgia e Farmácia, em 1829, e, doutorado em Medicina, em 1838. No ano seguinte, foi-lhe reconhecida, através de defesa de tese, a competência médico-cirúrgica, pela Faculdade de Medicina de Lisboa e, em 1859, pela Faculdade de Medicina do Rio de Janeiro.
Os seus pais – Robert Kalley e Jane Reid Kalley – eram comerciantes bem sucedidos de Glasgow e membros dedicados da Igreja Livre da Escócia (Presbiteriana). Ficou órfão de pai, ainda antes de completar 1 ano de idade, e perdeu a mãe aos 6 anos, tendo ficado a cargo do seu padrasto, David Kay, homem também devotado à Igreja, que lhe dispensou cuidados iguais aos dos filhos do seu anterior casamento.
Aos 16 anos, Robert Kalley entrou na Universidade e, a partir de então, enveredou pelo mais absoluto agnosticismo. São estas palavras que, no seu diário, dedicou a este período da sua vida:

«Bastante jovem ainda, propus-me estudar os vários ramos da ciência. Com a ajuda do microscópio, investigava maravilhas da Natureza, invisíveis à vista desarmada. Com a ajuda do telescópio, penetrei o vasto espaço sideral, conhecendo as distâncias, a dimensão imensa e a grande velocidade dos corpos celestes. Como resultado dessas investigações, cheguei à conclusão que me era impossível aceitar a doutrina da existência de um Ser Divino, e nessa convicção continuei por muitos anos.» […] «Fui um infiel, acostumado a desprezar toda a religião, sentindo grande gozo na frieza, nas trevas e na exibição da infidelidade…»2
Curiosamente, seria no desempenho da actividade profissional e através do testemunho de uma sua doente que o Dr. Kalley reencontraria os caminhos da fé cristã. Profundamente tocado pela postura de fé dessa paciente, acometida de doença em estado terminal, viu-se constrangido e forçado à reflexão, à introspecção e à decisão de aceitar o apelo de conversão que interpretou como um «chamamento» de Deus. E os seus primeiros passos de adesão à fé foram dirigidos para a Igreja onde, com apenas 38 dias, tinha recebido o Baptismo.
Os tempos que se seguiram à conversão foram vividos com aquela intensidade que se conhece das grandes paixões, quando o coração e a mente humanas parecem não consentir limites na extravasão da alegria que os acomete. Para o Dr. Kalley, a Inglaterra tornara-se pequena para se expandir e pôr em prática os planos de missionação que o coração lhe ditava e, então, resolveu partir em missão para a China. Porém, viu-se constrangido a adiar esses planos, em virtude do surgimento de problemas com a saúde da esposa.
Neste ponto, convém esclarecer que a Sociedade Missionária de Londres, a quem Kalley submetera a sua disponibilidade para a missão, em resposta, lhe recomendou que, enquanto se organizava a viagem para a China, «procurasse aprofundar os seus conhecimento em alguns ramos da ciência médica e da Teologia» 3 e encaminhou-o, então, para a Universidade de Glasgow. Mas, algum tempo depois, ao saber das intenções de Kalley em contrair matrimónio com Miss Margareth Crawfor de Paisley, considerada uma jovem de precária saúde para enfrentar a vida de missão, o que poderia vir a prejudicar não só o trabalho do marido mas também acarretar despesas extras à Sociedade,
«resolveu informar Mr. Kalley que em vista do propósito manifestado em sua carta de 27 de Janeiro [1838], de consorciar-se, sem mais delongas, com uma senhora cujo estado de saúde não parece ser o mais satisfatório para a vida missionária, os directores resolvem cancelar a sua indicação como missionário dessa sociedade.»4
Este contratempo provocou no Dr. Kalley talvez alguma surpresa ou, quem sabe, tristeza ou indignação, mas não lhe provocou qualquer desgaste nas suas intenções, pois decidiu levar adiante os seus intentos, assumindo esse custo a suas próprias expensas. Da sua reacção dão-nos conta os arquivos da Sociedade Missionária de Londres:
«Como as circunstâncias poderiam possivelmente mostrar-se contrárias à sua viagem, ele desejava ser informado de todas as despesas lançadas em sua conta, e, como estava em posição de fazer face às suas próprias despesas, não desejava sobrecarregar a Sociedade com nenhum gasto durante o tempo dos seus estudos preparatórios.»5
A experiência da Madeira

Ponderadas as questões que se lhe punham na conciliação dos aspectos relativos à saúde da jovem esposa e os da missionação, Kalley resolveu procurar um lugar de clima temperado, para a recuperação da saúde dela, de forma a fortalecê-la para o poder acompanhar nos seus propósitos. A fama da ilha da Madeira, destino preferido de muitos ingleses que ali passavam grandes temporadas, parecia reunir as condições ideais, e acabou por ser o local escolhido, tendo os Kalley desembarcado no Funchal, no dia 12 de Outubro de 1838. As condições que encontraram, o sossego, a afabilidade do povo e o clima acabaram por transformar aquilo que se pretendia fossem uns meses de convalescença e retemperamento de forças em 8 anos de intenso labor missionário com consequências tão extensas que acabariam por determinar toda a vida de missionário do Dr. Kalley.
Após a chegada à Madeira, e enquanto a esposa recuperava a sua saúde, o Dr. Kalley passou a dedicar-se à comunidade inglesa ali residente. No entanto, passados os primeiros tempos da adaptação, e constatando que os ingleses da ilha já tinham ao seu serviço dois médicos, enquanto que as populações locais viviam no maior abandono sanitário e num atraso cultural pungente, a pouco e pouco, passou a adiar os anteriores projectos para a China e a dar prioridade à ajuda na resolução dos problemas que o rodeavam: a pobreza, a promiscuidade, o alcoolismo, a iliteracia e a superstição. Em carta dirigida à Assembleia Livre da Escócia, explica a decisão do adiamento dos seus projectos anteriores, colocados em segundo plano, perante o novo quadro com que se deparava:
«Acho estranho encontrar-me numa pequena ilha no meio do oceano, em vez de avançar para onde supus ser o campo da minha chamada cristã – o mais largo e mais extenso campo de serviço cristão. Contudo, posso dizer: “Usa-me, Pai, como pareça melhor aos Teus olhos.”»6

Ao mesmo tempo que decidiu fazer-se reconhecer, pelas autoridades portuguesas, como cirurgião, tendo-se deslocado a Lisboa, para o efeito, em 1839, e submetido a provas na Faculdade de Medicina, no ano seguinte, iniciou a construção de um hospital com 12 camas, destinado a socorrer a população mais pobre da ilha, que era atendida gratuitamente, e a quem eram ministrados todos os serviços clínicos e medicamentosos.
Seguiu-se uma intensa campanha de luta contra o alcoolismo, apoiada com diversa literatura mandada vir de Inglaterra, e que fez espalhar por toda a ilha, onde se explicavam os malefícios do álcool e se ensinavam as terapias para combater a sua dependência. Simultaneamente, e impressionado com a elevadíssima taxa de analfabetismo, deu começo a uma campanha de alfabetização, concretizada na criação de escolas domésticas, para as quais convidou diversos professores.
Nessas escolas era ministrado o ensino elementar, sendo as aulas diurnas, para as crianças, e, nocturnas, para os adultos. As adesões a esta iniciativa foram de tal forma inesperadas e espectaculares 7 que, em pouco tempo, já havia dezassete escolas com mais de oitocentos alunos. Calcula-se que, entre 1839 e 1845, tenham sido frequentadas por mais de dois mil e quinhentos alunos.8
Aliado ao esforço de alfabetização estavam os propósitos de missionação e, sob um bem esquematizado programa pedagógico, muitos alunos estabeleciam os primeiros contactos com as letras através da leitura da Bíblia. E, à medida que o adestramento na leitura e na escrita se solidificava, assim crescia o entusiasmo pela descoberta dos textos sagrados, com cada vez maiores adesões, como nos dizem as Notas do Dr. Kalley:

«Em 1839 uns poucos mostravam grande desejo de ler e ouvir a Palavra de Deus. Em 1840 este interesse cresceu um pouco e muitos adultos foram para a escola porque queiram aprender a ler a Bíblia. Em 1841 cresceu ainda mais. Em 1842, especialmente no Verão e no Outono, o povo acorreu em grande número para ouvir as Escrituras lidas e explicadas. Muitos deles caminhavam durante dez e doze horas e escalavam montanhas de mil metros de altitude à ida e à volta para suas casas; durante muitos meses, creio, não havia menos que um milhar de presenças cada Domingo; geralmente excediam os dois milhares; ocasionalmente três milhares e uma vez foram cerca de cinco mil.»9

Passado algum tempo, o êxito do seu filantrópico trabalho de médico, pedagogo e missionário, granjeou-lhe vastas simpatias por parte dos populares com quem contactava e a quem dispensava desvelada atenção, e esse reconhecimento verificava-se nas inúmeras adesões às suas ideias religiosas.
Aquele povo, faminto de saúde, de educação e de cuidados, e, de certa maneira, desgostoso das suas instituições que pouco correspondiam aos seus anseios e necessidades, surgiu aos olhos do Dr. Kalley como o bíblico «rebanho sem pastor». Encetou o trabalho de congregação dos simpatizantes, fidelizando-os à fé reformada, em assembleias muito concorridas e participadas 10, onde os cânticos e a música desempenhavam um especial papel, com impacte profundo na pequena sociedade insular:

«Por todos os recantos da ilha se podia encontrar gente que conhecia os “hinos calvinistas”, nome dado à versão métrica dos salmos traduzidos.»11

Os ecos deste sucesso chegaram longe, e a publicação inglesa B&FBS Report, em 1845, afirmava «que o movimento já tinha milhares de seguidores e era tão sólido que se tornara claramente irreversível.» 12
Como seria de prever, não tardaram as reacções adversas a tanto sucesso, por parte de responsáveis das instituições locais político-religiosas postas em causa, que começavam a sentir os efeitos da censura subliminar aos órgãos de poder, acusados da precariedade de vida, e a erosão que tomava conta dos fiéis do Catolicismo atraídos, cada vez mais, por práticas religiosas mais próximas das suas vidas.
Começaram as ameaças e as perseguições, além da propaganda de desacreditação de Kalley, com o consentimento e a instigação do Governador da Ilha e de alguns clérigos católicos, que culminou com o seu encarceramento durante seis meses e a prisão e espancamento de muitos dos seus seguidores13. Sucediam-se as pressões governativas e eclesiásticas e os assaltos imprevistos e indiscriminados por instigadas arruaças populares, que actuavam acobertados pela impunidade que os «ouvidos moucos» e as «vistas largas» das autoridades permitiam.
No auge da reacção, os Kalley viram a sua casa assaltada e os seus pertences atirados à rua e queimados, e tiveram de se refugiar – o Dr. Kalley a bordo de um barco inglês ancorado no Funchal, para onde foi conduzido sob disfarce, e a esposa, em casa do cônsul inglês.
Perante o quadro que se seguiu de insegurança e de intolerância, os Kalley viram-se forçados a regressar a Inglaterra e a maioria dos habitantes que haviam aderido à Igreja Reformada foram compelidos à emigração, tendo rumado para as Índias Ocidentais, Estados Unidos e Brasil, onde seriam semente de inúmeras comunidades protestantes que ainda hoje se reúnem e oram em português.

«A capacidade de Kalley transformar a sua experiência pessoal numa expressão religiosa perceptível por uma parte da população da ilha ficou patente nas adesões que conseguiu cimentar, ao ponto de grande parte dessas pessoas vir a preferir exilar-se a negar a vivência a que aderira.» 14

Depois da hecatombe que se abateu sobre os pioneiros protestantes da Madeira, em 1846, de que resultou a saída dos Kalley e a emigração forçada de cerca de dois mil madeirenses, o que restou dessa comunidade desceu ao limbo da clandestinidade, reunindo-se em locais afastados, e estudando a Bíblia às escondidas, até ao ano de 1875.15
Segundo as informações oficiais da época, a «heresia calvinista» parecia erradicada, pois já não se conhecia ninguém que defendesse as ideias da Reforma. No entanto, de vez em quando, surgiam sinais de que a realidade não correspondia bem ao que se pensava, pelas declarações, por exemplo, de um grupos de madeirenses chegados a Illinois, em 1853, que declararam que havia pelo menos mil habitantes da ilha que se mantinham fiéis ao Protestantismo.
Sabe-se hoje que, efectivamente, assim era, pois apesar de se manterem bem vigiados os movimentos suspeitos, sempre encontraram meios de realizar alguns cultos e de fazer oração bíblica comunitária 16. Trinta anos depois, porém, e devido a novas condições políticas, foi possível reactivar a missionação protestante na Madeira, pois, até aí, a Igreja da Escócia (ou a Sociedade Missionária de Londres) deixaram de apoiar qualquer iniciativa que afectasse as relações com Portugal e afrontasse a Igreja oficial, ou pusesse em perigo a segurança dos ingleses que viviam na ilha, para os quais, no entanto, continuavam a nomear pastores para os seus cultos, unicamente em língua inglesa.(...)

2 Michael P. TESTA, O Apóstolo da Madeira (Dr. Robert Reid Kalley), Lisboa, 1963, Igreja Evangélica Presbiteriana de Portugal, p. 20.
3 Michael P. TESTA, ibidem, p. 22.
4 IDEM, ob. cit., p. 24.
5 Actas da Comissão Examinadora, l. 7, p. 379, Sociedade Missionária de Londres, a 30 de Janeiro de 1838, apud Michael P. TESTA, ob. cit., pp. 23-24.
6 In Michael P. Testa, ob. cit., p. 28.
7 Este trabalho foi tão notório que mereceu das entidades oficiais um público louvor, em Actas da Câmara do Governo Municipal da Cidade do Funchal, do dia 25 de Maio de 1841, em que o Dr. Kalley era nomeado como «o bom doutor inglês» e o seu trabalho era caracterizado como «esforço filantrópico em favor dos pobres, doentes e analfabetos» (cf. ob. cit., p. 34).
8 Cf. ob. cit., pp. 30-31.
9 Michael P. TESTA, ob. cit., pp. 32-33.
10 As assembleias cultuais organizadas pelo Dr. Kalley seguiam o modelo das igrejas congregacionais. As igrejas deste tipo de organização são autónomas e independentes, e surgiram, em Inglaterra, nos fins do séc. XVI e início do séc. XVII. O nome advém-lhes do seu sistemas de governo, essencialmente assente em dois princípios: a) «Cada congregação de fiéis, unida pela adoração, observação dos sacramentos e disciplina cristã, é uma igreja completa, não subordinada na sua administração a qualquer autoridade eclesiástica senão a da sua própria assembleia.»; b) «tais igrejas locais estão em comunhão umas com as outras e intercomprometidas no cumprimento de todos os deveres resultantes dessa comunhão.» (Cf. Rev. Manoel Bernardino de Santana Filho, in http://www.anglicanismo.net/ecumenismo001.htm, 14-12-2003.)
11 IDEM, ibidem, pp. 35-36.
12 B&FBS, Forty-First Report, 1845, p. 94, apud David G. VIEIRA, O Protestantismo, a Maçonaria e a Questão Religiosa no Brasil, 2.ª ed., Brasília, 1980, p. 114.
13 A prisão do dr. Kalley, ao abrigo de uma lei contra a heresia, de 1603, levou também para a prisão cerca de três dezenas dos seus seguidores, dos quais um chegou a ser degredado para a Angola [José Ferreira Lomelino, e outro, uma mulher, Maria Joaquina Alves, mãe de sete filhos, viu a sua condenação à morte transformada em dois anos e seis meses de prisão. (Cf. Luís Aguiar SANTOS, «A transformação do campo religioso português», in História Religiosa de Portugal, coordenação de Manuel Clemente e António Matos Ferreira, 7 vols., s/l, 2000, Círculo de Leitores, III vol., p. 450; e M. TESTA, ob. cit., pp. 43 e 53.)
14 Luís Aguiar SANTOS, ob. cit., p. 449.
15 Segundo opinião de alguns historiadores e sociólogos, esta encarniçada perseguição político-religiosa,
naquela época, só é explicável devido à instabilidade política e social por que Portugal passava. Durante cerca de dez anos, a que corresponde o período da agitação da Madeira, viveram-se em Portugal momentos de grande turbulência política que oscilaram entre o máximo laxismo institucional, provocado por inúmeras revoltas e golpes militares, e a mais férrea ditadura que caracterizou muitos dos governos de Costa Cabral. A tudo isto há que acrescentar a evolução por que passaram, também, as relações da Igreja Católica com o Estado que variaram entre a popular contestação até à aproximação da Igreja e do Liberalismo, celebrado com o reatamento das relações diplomáticas entre Lisboa e a Santa Sé, em 1841-42, de que resultou a retoma do poder eclesiástico e o acerbamento de posições das suas alas mais reaccionárias e comprometidas politicamente, para quem a harmonia e a unicidade nacional exigia uma única religião para um único reino. Por parte da Grã-Bretanha, também não se pode desvalorizar o efeito do relacionamento um pouco afectado entre a Igreja oficial (o Anglicanismo) e a Igreja Livre da Escócia (tida por dissidente do Presbiterianismo oficial escocês) a que pertencia o Dr. Kalley, e que talvez explique o tardio apoio que este recebeu, além das políticas conciliatórias que sempre foram oficialmente defendidas. (Cf. Luís Aguiar SANTOS, ob. cit., p. 450-451; História de Portugal em Datas, António Simões RODRIGUES (coord.), s/l, 1994, Círculo de Leitores, pp. 332-342.)
16 Foram especialmente apoiados, nestes casos, pela capelania presbiteriana do Funchal, tolerada porque estava formalmente constituída para apoio religioso dos residentes estrangeiros. (Cf. Luís Aguiar SANTOS, ob. cit., p. 450.)

Nota do Blogue: O texto completo está disponível na Revista Lusófona de Ciência das Religiões (páginas 103-123).
A foto foi retirada do seguinte link:

«Bibliografia da obra de Robert Reid Kalley» - Timóteo Cavaco

Pioneiro Protestante
Bibliografia da obra de Robert Reid Kalley
8 de Maio de 2007
Timóteo Cavaco

CARDOSO, Douglas Nassif – Robert Reid Kalley: médico, missionário e profeta. São Bernardo do Campo: Edição do autor, 2001. 174 p.

DAGAMA, João Fernandes. – Perseguição dos calvinistas da Madeira. São João do Rio Claro: Typografia a Vapor de Magalhães & Gerlach, 1896. 224 p.

FERNANDES, Ferreira – Madeirenses Errantes. Lisboa: Oficina do Livro, 2004. 283 p.

FORSYTH, William B. – The wolf from Scotland: the story of Robert Reid Kalley – pioneer missionary. Durham: Evangelical Press, 1988. 239 p.

KALLEY, Robert Reid; VASCONCELOS, Manuel de Sant’Ana. O catolicismo em perigo na Madeira do século XIX. Lisboa: Igreja Evangélica Presbiteriana de Portugal, 2006. 128 p.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – A crise nacional e a solução protestante. Porto: Typ. Moreira, 1910. 31 p. (Bibliotheca Antonio Maria Candal 2a. Série. Opusculo; 6).

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Notas históricas sobre a origem das igrejas evangélicas em Portugal. Braga: E. Moreira, 1913. 10 p. (Sep.: Rev deHistória).

MOREIRA, Eduardo – O defensor da verdade: edição comemorativa do tricentenário de João Ferreira de Almeida. Lisboa: Sociedade Bíblica Britânica e Estrangeira, 1928. 11 p.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Meio século de evangelização em Portugal e no Brasil: a história da vida do evangelista Henrique Maxwell Wright. Porto: Tip. Sequeira, 1928.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – O ouro de melhor quilate. Lisboa: Sociedade Bíblica Britânica e Estrangeira, 1932. 7 p.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – The significance of Portugal: a survey of evangelical progress. Londres: World Dominion Press, 1933. 71 p.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Portuguese East Africa: a study of its religious needs. Londres: World Dominion Press, 1936. 104 p.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Portugal e o protestantismo. Leiria: Tip. Mendes Barata, 1943. 4 p. (Sep. O Semeador Baptista, 191)

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Cultura suíça em Portugal: um capítulo esquecido: com anotações olissiponenses coloniais bíblicas missionárias. Lisboa: Tip. Bertrand, 1944. 32 p. (Sep. Rev. Portugal d’Aquem e d’Além Mar).

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Esboço da história da Igreja Lusitana. Vila Nova de Gaia: Tip. Rocha, 1949. 41 p.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Crisóstomo português: elementos para a história do púlpito. Lisboa: Junta Presbiteriana de Cooperação em Portugal, 1957. 338 p. (Col: Oikoumene, 1).

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Vida convergentes: história breve dos movimentos de reforma cristã em Portugal, a partir do século XVIII. Lisboa: Junta Presbiteriana de Cooperação em Portugal, 1958. 407 p. (Col: Oikoumene, 2).

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Gil Vicente e a Reforma. s.l.: s.n., 1966. 8 p.

MOREIRA, Eduardo – A reforma protestante e os seus antecedentes em Portugal. Lisboa: s.n., 1973. 11 p. (Sep. Língua e Cultura, t III).

MOREIRA, Eduardo – Relação da religião com a política. Porto: s.n., 1975. 7 p. (Sep. Portugal Evangélico).

PORTO FILHO, Manoel da Silveira. – A epopéia da ilha da Madeira. Vol. 1. Rio de Janeiro: UIECB, 1987. 170 p.

ROCHA, João Gomes da. – Lembranças do passado. Vol. 1. Rio de Janeiro: Centro Brasileiro de Publicidade, 1941. 384 p.

ROCHA, João Gomes da. – Lembranças do passado. Vol. 2. Rio de Janeiro: Centro Brasileiro de Publicidade, 1944. 353 p.

ROCHA, João Gomes da. – Lembranças do passado. Vol. 3. Rio de Janeiro: Centro Brasileiro de Publicidade, 1946. 333 p.

ROCHA, João Gomes da. – Lembranças do passado. Vol. 4. Rio de Janeiro: UIECCB, 1957. 411 p.

TESTA, Michael P. – Injuriados e perseguidos: panorâmica histórica da fé reformada em Portugal. Lisboa: Igreja Evangélica Presbiteriana de Portugal, 1977. 30 p.

TESTA, Michael P. – Robert Reid Kalley: o apóstolo da Madeira. 2ª ed. Lisboa: Igreja Evangélica Presbiteriana de Portugal, 2005. 87 p.

TUCKER, John T. – Heróis da cruz. Lisboa: Junta Presbiteriana de Cooperação em Portugal, 1957. 261 p.

In: http://pioneiro.files.wordpress.com/2007/06/microsoft-word-bibliografia-robert-kalley_06_07.pdf

«Orlando Ribeiro» - www.orlando-ribeiro.info


ORLANDO RIBEIRO, 1911-1997

Essencialmente dedicado ao ensino e investigação em Geografia, Orlando Ribeiro é considerado o renovador desta ciência no Portugal do século XX, e o geógrafo português com mais ampla projecção a nível internacional. No entanto, a sua vasta obra, produzida a par da longa e intensa carreira como professor e investigador universitário, abarca muito mais do que avanços científicos na Geografia, e revela uma diversidade de interesses e intervenções que desenham uma invulgar geografia intelectual.

A renovação da Geografia, pela introdução do factor humano como elemento central à compreensão geográfica entendida como síntese de muitas realidades, é antes de mais fruto de um espírito humanista que desde os anos do liceu impulsionava o estudante Orlando Ribeiro para o conhecimento da História, da Antropologia, da Etnografia, através do contacto, entre outros, com David Lopes, seu professor, e Leite de Vasconcellos, de quem foi também, desde muito jovem e ao longo da vida, dedicado discípulo.

Mas o alargamento de horizontes da Geografia como ciência é também resultado do seu espírito curioso e independente que, ainda nos bancos da escola, o levou a manter ligações com cientistas de outras áreas, onde procurou alicerces de uma formação naturalista que sempre consideraria indispensável a um geógrafo. Aprendeu geologia trabalhando no campo com Fleury e colaborando mais tarde com Carlos Teixeira e Zbyszewsky. Reflexões metodológicas e sobre questões de biologia, buscou-as na medicina através de amigos como Juvenal Esteves, Barahona Fernandes ou Celestino da Costa. Com eles partilhava também a inspiração universalista da literatura e da música, em autores como Goethe, Bach, Beethoven e Bruckner. É sobre Goethe a sua primeira conferência, no ano do centenário da morte do escritor (1932), e o seu primeiro artigo, Geografia humana, é publicado, em 1934, numa revista de medicina.

Licenciado em Geografia e História em 1932, Orlando Ribeiro doutorou-se em Geografia pela Universidade de Lisboa em 1935, com a tese A Arrábida, esboço geográfico. Em 1937 segue para Paris como Leitor de Português na Sorbonne, onde viria a alargar horizontes com mestres como Marc Bloch, E. de Martonne e A. Demangeon. De regresso a Portugal em 1940, foi sucessivamente nomeado Professor em Coimbra e em Lisboa onde, em 1943, fundou o Centro de Estudos Geográficos. Da sua intensa actividade se destaca, desde 1945, uma das suas obras de síntese mais conhecidas, Portugal, o Mediterrâneo e o Atlântico, e a criação, em 1966, da revista Finisterra, ainda hoje um dos veículos editoriais mais importantes para a geografia portuguesa, a nível nacional e internacional.

A colaboração científica internacional foi, com efeito, outro aspecto marcante da actividade de Orlando Ribeiro. Em 1949 organizou em Lisboa o que seria, no pós-guerra, o primeiro Congresso da União Geográfica Internacional, organização para que viria a ser nomeado Vice-Presidente em 1952. Ao longo da vida praticou, e estimulou nos seus alunos, o intercâmbio com geógrafos estrangeiros através de estágios e de viagens de investigação a que dedicou grande parte do seu tempo.

São talvez as viagens, e os trabalhos delas resultantes, o melhor testemunho da sua actividade como geógrafo. Mas são também elas, por excelência, os elos que nos revelam as suas preocupações sociais com os territórios e povos estudados, e nos transportam à sua sensibilidade como fotógrafo, ao “fundo mágico da sua personalidade”, à qualidade literária da sua prosa. Viajante incansável, sobretudo em Portugal e Espanha na década de 40, e pelo Mundo fora entre 1950-1965, com destaque para o ultramar português, Orlando Ribeiro oferece-nos leituras de muitos lugares do Mundo em que a observação científica não se desliga da natureza como um todo, dos costumes, da arte e, sobretudo, do elemento humano.

Cidadão interveniente e profícuo prosador sobre muitos outros temas como a ciência, o ensino e a universidade, as reformas educativas ou os problemas coloniais, Orlando Ribeiro usou sempre de uma frontalidade que, se não diminuía o respeito científico que lhe era reconhecido, também nunca facilitou as suas relações com os órgãos de decisão, desde o Estado Novo ao período pós 25 de Abril. Por muito tempo teve, como resposta às suas opiniões, um invariável silêncio. Contrastando com o precoce reconhecimento a nível internacional, a difusão da sua obra e as honras oficiais, no seu próprio país, surgiram muito tardiamente.

É ainda pela própria pena de Orlando Ribeiro que podemos hoje rever toda uma época e experiência de vida através da sua rica prosa memorialística, recolhida e dada à estampa em Orlando Ribeiro: Memórias de um Geógrafo, em 2003. Mas, sobre Orlando Ribeiro e a sua obra, existem também muitos outros testemunhos publicados desde os anos 70.


Obras da autoria do Professor Orlando Ribeiro referentes à Madeira:

71. “Nótulas de geomorfologia madeirense”, Boletim da Sociedade Geológica de Portugal, Porto, VII (III), 1948, p.113-118, 1 fig., notas bibliográficas de rodapé.
Formas pseudocíclicas; a posição do Miocénico de S. Vicente. Também referência a Porto Santo.

78 - L’Île de Madère. Étude géographique, Lisboa, UGI. Congrès International de Géographie - Lisbonne 1949, 175 p., 36 figs., XXV pl., IX cartes; bibliografia.
Constitui um dos livros-guias de excursão do XVI° Congresso Internacional de Geografia, realizado em Lisboa, e contém: Cap. I - O relevo. Cap. II - O clima, as águas, a vegetação. Cap. III - A economia e a vida rural. Cap. IV - A pesca e as indústrias. Cap. V - A população, o povoamento e a circulação. Em p. 169-170, incluem-se indicações bibliográficas e cartográficas; os nove mapas estão em fim de texto.

325. A Ilha da Madeira até Meados do Século XX, Instituto de Cultura e Língua Portuguesa, Lisboa, 1985, 139p. + XXIV est. e IX mapas. Tradução do n° 78 (1949) por Maria do Rosário de Paiva Raposo. Ver a análise do livro no nº 78 desta Bibliografia.

terça-feira, abril 07, 2009

«Narrative of a Voyage to Madeira, Teneriffe (...)» - William Robert Wills Wilde

Sir William Wilde's travels in the Mediterranean and Middle East

WILDE, Sir William Robert Wills. Narrative of a Voyage to Madeira, Teneriffe, and Along the Shores of the Mediterranean, Including a Visit to Algiers, Egypt, Palestine, Tyre, Rhodes, Telmessus, Cyprus, and Greece. With Observations on the Present State and Prospects of Egypt and Palestine, and on the Climate, Natural History, and Antiquities of the Countries Visited.
Dublin: John S. Folds for William Curry, Jun. and Company, 1844.

£950


8vo. Modern speckled half calf over marbled boards, spine gilt in compartments, gilt morocco lettering-piece in one, top edge gilt, retaining original free endpaper; pp. xv, [1 (illustrations)], 648, [2 (publisher's advertisement)]; 2 engraved city plans of Jerusalem and Tyre ('Ancient and Modern') by W.H. Lizars hand-coloured in outline, one after C.B. Cradock after Wilde, wood-engraved illustrations and letterpress tables in the text; some variable spotting, upper margin of one map stained, otherwise very good; provenance: Gustavus Lambart (1772-1850, inscription on retained endpaper with later explanatory note beneath).

Second edition, enlarged and revised. The father of the writer Oscar Wilde, the eminent surgeon Sir William Wilde studied medicine in Dublin; 'After Wilde took his degree as a surgeon, he travelled for nine months as medical attendant to Robert Meiklam, the owner of the yacht "Crusader", who produced the sketches for the plates [...] This was Wilde's first work; he is better known for his works on Irish topography, Beauties of the Boyne, and Lough Corrib'. However, the Narrative of a Voyage 'established him as a Dublin savant and led to him becoming a regular contributor to, and close associate of, the editorial coterie behind the Dublin University Magazine. It also introduced Wilde to the "gentlemen of science" who made up the British Association for the Advancement of Science' (ODNB).

Ibrahim-Hilmy II, p. 329; Röhricht 1890; cf. Blackmer 1795 (1st ed.).

«Madeira Spectroscopic (...)» - C. Piazzi Smyth

SMYTH, C. Piazzi. Madeira Spectroscopic being a Revision of 21 Places in the Red Half of the Solar Visible Spectrum with a Rutherford Diffraction Grating at Madeira (Lat. = 32° 38' N., Long. = 1h 8m W.) during the Summer of 1881.
Edinburgh: W. & A. K. Johnston, 1882.

£450

4to. Original green cloth, gilt; pp. x, 32; frontis. of spectrum scales, title-page vignette Woodbury-type photograph from a drawing by Smyth, 18 spectroscopic plates at rear; soiled, else a very good copy with the bookplate of Dudley Observatory, Albany, N.Y.

First edition. Piazzi Smyth, the Astronomer-Royal for Scotland, became interested in spectroscopy as a tool in astrophysics during the 1870s. He worked in this discipline using instruments purchased at his own expense, and transported them to viewing locations in Lisbon and, later, Madeira, for the purposes of observation. One of his aims, successfully carried out, was to discriminate in the sun's spectrum between absorption lines of purely solar origin and those produced in the earth's atmosphere. The present work, sumptuously produced at great expense, records his findings from observations made in Madeira in 1881.

«Insecta Maderensia» - Thomas Vernon Wollaston

The author's own copy of "an admirable work ... excellent in its facts; & the author a most nice & modest man" (darwin to hooker)

WOLLASTON, Thomas Vernon. Insecta Maderensia; Being an Account of the Insects of the Islands of the Madeiran Group.
London: Taylor and Francis for John van Voorst, 1854.

£3,250

4to. Contemporary half morocco gilt, spine in compartments and titled in one, top edge gilt; pp. xliii, 634, 13 engraved plates of specimens by Frederick Smith after J.O. Westwood, suite of 8 hand-coloured plates (nos II, IV, V, VI, IX, XI, XII, XIII) inserted in sequence; rubbed, slight spotting to plates, else very good; a one-page letterpress prospectus for the book, a manuscript leaf listing 22 subscribers titled "Names already received", and a one-page letterpress list of "Subscribers' Names" bound in before the title; provenance: Thomas Vernon Wollaston (bookplate on upper pastedown); occasional, later marginalia.

First edition. Wollaston (1822-1878) was a prominent entomologist and malacologist, who became best known for his studies on variation in species (especially Coleoptera) inhabiting several North Atlantic archipelagoes. Wollaston spent the winter of 1847-1848 on Madeira, and returned twice before publishing his Insecta Maderensia; in 1855 he visited the Madeiran archipelago again and on his return sold his collection of Madeiran Coleoptera to the British Museum. Insecta Maderensia was published in a very small print run -- as Wollaston's prospectus states, the "great expense attendant on the publications of a work like the present, renders it desirable that names should be obtained beforehand, in order to ascertain the number of copies which it will be necessary to print". The printed subscribers' list in this copy lists only 50 names (one subscribing to two copies), suggesting that circa 51 copies were printed; certainly the work is rare on the market. Although Nissen and BM(NH) call for 13 coloured plates, it is probable that this copy was bound up using a full set of 13 uncoloured plates and 8 coloured "overs", to avoid the expense of having another set of the plates coloured.

Darwin read Insecta Maderensia in early 1855 and was given a copy of it by the author on 10 March 1855, and wrote to J.D. Hooker on 7 March 1855: "I have just finished working well at Wollaston's Insecta Mad[erensia]: it is an admirable work. There is a very curious point in the astounding proportion of Coleoptera that are apterous; & I think I have grasped the reason, viz that powers of flight w[oul]d be injurious to insects inhabiting a confined locality & expose them to be blown to the sea; to test this, I find that the insects inhabiting the Dezerta Grande, a quite small islet, would be still more exposed to this danger, & here the proportion of apterous insects is even considerably greater than on Madeira proper"; however, whilst "Wollaston speaks of Madeira & the other archipelagoes as being `sure & certain witnesses of Forbes old continent,'", Darwin dismisses Wollaston's conclusion as erroneous, ending "I hope I have not wearied you, but I thought you w[oul]d. like to hear about this Book, which strikes me as excellent in its facts; & the Author a most nice & modest man" (Correspondence V, pp. 279-280). Wollaston's next publication, On the Variation of Species, with Especial Reference to the Insecta (1856) was dedicated to Darwin, and on 22 April 1856 Wollaston joined Huxley and Hooker at Down House, where Darwin's nascent theory was discussed, as Lyell reported: "they (all four of them) ran a tilt against [immutable] species farther I believe than they are deliberately prepared to go. Wollaston least unorthodox" (quoted by Desmond and Moore, p. 435). Darwin believed that Wollaston was sympathetic to his views, and Wollaston was sent a copy of On the Origin of Species in 1859, inscribed on Darwin's behalf "From the author"; however, in his review of it for the Annals and Magazine of Natural History, Wollaston stated "that Darwin did not understand the definition of species, complained about the personification of selection, and dwelled, like Huxley, on the difficulties: `Would not one step more plunge us headlong into the Nebular Hypothesis and the whole theory of spontaneous Generation?' Wollaston could see no reason to abandon the idea of divine creation and plenty of dangers in any alternative" (J. Browne Darwin II, p. 107). BM(NH) V, p. 2350; Nissen, ZBI 4440.

In: http://www.sotherans.co.uk/Search.php?stk=319454&sText=madeira&type%5B%5D=books

Nota do Blogue: Um dos mais raros livros sobre a Madeira, o único senão é o preço. Trata-se do exemplar que pertenceu ao próprio autor, com a lista dos subscritores da mesma. Uma obra da qual só devem ter sido impressos 50 ou 51 exemplares. De bom grado gostaria de a ter na minha colecção!

«Henry Sotheran Limited»

The longest established antiquarian booksellers in the world (York 1761)


Founded in York in 1761, established in London in 1815, Henry Sotheran Limited has a long and distinguished history.
For over 200 years we have been offering unsurpassed opportunities to collectors and enthusiasts, from the purchase of the libraries of Laurence Sterne in 1768, and Charles Dickens in 1870; the complete stock and copyright of the ornithologist and publisher John Gould; to the successful bid in 1980 for the final draft manuscript of Gilbert White's Natural History of Selbourne, bought on behalf of the Gilbert White Museum.
The great American collector of Shakespeare, H.C. Folger, acquired much of his collection, including the Halliwell-Phillipps library, through Sotheran's, and we were agents in the purchase of the world-famous Althorp Library from Earl Spencer for the John Rylands Library in 1892.
Throughout our history we have prided ourselves on the quality and condition of our books, and our friendly service.
Our premises just off Piccadilly in the heart of London's West End are spacious and elegantly appointed, and we welcome regular clients and passers-by alike to wander in and browse our stock in a relaxing and convivial atmosphere.

In: http://www.sotherans.co.uk/AboutUs.php

Nota do Blogue: Este alfarrabista foi-me indicado por um grande bibliófilo madeirense. Este nosso ilustre advogado possui uma magnífica colecção de livros e gravuras sobre a Madeira, livros de arte,(...). Tive a oportunidade de manusear algumas das suas preciosidades, algumas das quais eu desconhecia por completo.

sexta-feira, abril 03, 2009

Jorge Flores - Brown University

"Portugal and Renaissance Europe"
April 15 to October 15, 2008
Prepared by Jorge Flores, Department of Portuguese and Brazilian Studies, Brown University

Por curiosidade, sempre através da net, tentei descobrir quem seria este historiador de nome Jorge Flores. De entre os dados disponíveis está o curriculum deste professor:
http://research.brown.edu/pdf/1187039023.pdf

«Jorge Flores's research focuses on the political, social and cultural history of the Portuguese empire during the early modern period. He is particularly interested in the interaction between the Portuguese society and extra-European cultures, as well as in the formation of cross-cultural images and representations. His main field of expertise is the Portuguese expansion in Asia 1500-1800, and he works with Portuguese and other Western materials of the period to approach the history of South Asia.»

quinta-feira, abril 02, 2009

"Portugal and Renaissance Europe" - The John Carter Brown Library (3ª Parte)

"Portugal and Renaissance Europe"
April 15 to October 15, 2008 Prepared by Jorge Flores, Department of Portuguese and Brazilian Studies, Brown University

Exhibition prepared by Henrique Leitão [HL], Kenneth David Jackson [KDJ], Marília dos Santos Lopes [MSL], Mario Pereira [MP], Rui Manuel Loureiro [RML], Timothy Walker [TW], and Zoltán Biedermann [ZB], under the direction of Jorge Flores, Department of Portuguese and Brazilian Studies, Brown University.

3ª Parte
Imperial Portugal and European Printing: Propaganda, Epics, and the Writing of History


Portuguese historiography throughout the sixteenth century—royal and personal chronicles, as well as epic works—was very much shaped by the imperial atmosphere of the kingdom. Some of those authors and books achieved a considerable European following; João de Barros, Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, and André de Resende are telling examples, not to mention the celebrated Luís de Camões, author of Os Lusíadas (1572). But many decades before the publication of Camões’s long epic poem on the voyage of Vasco da Gama (1497-1499) and the destiny of Portugal, European monarchs and other decision-makers had already understood the political uses of the Discoveries. Selected news and propaganda about Portuguese explorations were published in diverse languages (primarily Latin) and cities (chiefly Rome, the diplomatic center of Christianity), greatly enhancing the image of Portugal and its rulers at the dawn of the sixteenth century. João II (r. 1481-1495) and Manuel I (r. 1495-1521) were skillful creators of a strategy that consisted of a powerful combination of propaganda and ethnography, oratory and spectacle, and word and image.

37. Dom Fernando de Almeida, Ad Alexandrum vi Pont. Max. Ferd: de Almeida electi Ecclesiae Septiñ: & Sereniss: Io. II. Regis portugallie oratoris oratio, Rome, 1493.
Alexander VI succeeded Innocent VII as Pope in 1492, and the text of Lucena's oration of obedience was reprinted in Rome for the occasion. King João II decided to send Dom Fernando de Almeida to Rome in order to deliver a Latin oration to the newly elected Pope as well. It was a tense moment, however. Columbus had just returned from his first voyage, the newly elected Pope, Alexander VI, was Spanish, and the papal bull Inter caetera (1493) recognized the Catholic king's extensive claims to New World territory. The text presented in Rome by Almeida in 1493, shown here, is regarded as a political response to this difficult situation and a prelude to the Treaty of Tordesillas, signed between Portugal and Spain in 1494. JF

38. Vasco Fernandes de Lucena, Valasci Ferdinandi vtriusque iuris consulti illustrissimi regis Portugallie oratoris ad Innocentium octauum pontificem maximum de obedientia oratio, Rome, 1485.
King João II (r. 1481-1495) viewed the election of a new Pope in 1485 as the perfect opportunity to inform Europe about Portuguese overseas achievements. As a result, the Andalucian Vasco Fernandes de Lucena was chosen to travel to Rome and deliver a Latin oration of obedience to Innocent VIII. This oration, which was also intended to impress the cardinals of the Consistory as well as the ambassadors of different European monarchs, was printed that same year in Rome. Lucena's oration recalled the Crown’s services to Christianity against Islam, but the most interesting section of the text relates to the Portuguese exploration of West Africa. Here, the King of Portugal, now titled “Lord of Guinea,” announces that navigation between the Atlantic Ocean and the Indian Ocean was possible and that the Portuguese were very close to entering the “Arabic Gulf.” JF

39. Dom Manuel I, Serenissimi Emanuelis Portugallie Regis ad Julium II, Rome, 1508.
King Manuel I (r. 1495-1521) followed and enhanced his predecessor’s strategy of informing Europe, via the Pope and Rome, about Portuguese overseas achievements. In the Epistola serenissimi (September 25, 1507), Dom Manuel had announced to the world the “conquest” of the mythical Tapobrane (Ceylon) from the “Saracens.” Pope Julius II was impressed and thought of bestowing a title on the Portuguese king in the manner of the Spanish, “Catholic,” and the French, “Most Christian,” monarchs. The lettershown here is another example of Manueline propaganda. It focuses upon East Africa (where Muslim rulers were becoming Portuguese tributaries), the Red Sea (especially the island of Soqotra, which was populated by thousands of Christians), and the important Persian Gulf port of Hormuz. JF

40. Dom Manuel I, Epistola potentissimi ac inuictissimi Emanuelis Regis Portugalie, Rome, 1513.
In this letter dated June 1513, King Manuel informs the newly elected Pope Leo X about the conquest of Malacca (identified with the legendary Aurea Chersonesum) by Governor Afonso de Albuquerque in July, 1511. The original letter was written in Portuguese, but it was not long before it was translated into Latin and became a “best-seller.” Twenty-four Latin editions were published in six different European cities during the sixteenth century, along with versions in Italian, German, Dutch, and French. In the letter, Malacca is presented as a heavily populated, extraordinarily rich city, a cosmopolitan gateway linked to the main trading centers of Asia and home to affluent merchants from far and wide. JF

41. Europeans meet American Amazons in Amérigo Vespucci, Von der new gefunnde[n] Region die wol ein Welt genennt mag werden, durch den cristenlichen Künig von Portugall, wunnderbarlich erfunden, Basel, 1505.
In his Mundus Novus, Amérigo Vespucci first announced in print that the newly discovered lands formed a previously unknown continent. Addressed to Lorenzo di Pier Francesco de Medici, Vespucci's report on the New World, namely Brazil, provided both novelty and entertainment for contemporary readers, as the fifty editions of this letter prove. The German title communicates the most important message—About the new region that might be called a New World, marvellously discovered by the Christian King of Portugal. The cavalier shown in this Basel edition of 1505 can easily be identified with Dom Manuel I, King of Portugal. Dressed in armour and holding a heraldic shield, the king personifies not only the ideals of chivalry, but also leadership of the European Christian community and organizer of overseas discoveries. MSL

42. Dom Manuel I, Gesta Proxime per Portugalenses in India, Nuremberg, 1507.
The news about the discovery of a sea-route to India was received with great enthusiasm in Europe. Among the numerous contemporary pamphlets published on the subject, the letters written by King Manuel, especially this letter addressed to the influential Cardinal Dom Jorge da Costa, were widely disseminated across Europe. The Portuguese king describes Calicut as the main trading point in India for spices, amber, musk, pearls, rubies, and many other rarities. He also announced the discovery of Taprobane: "The isle of Taprobana that is called Ceylon, is situated at about more or less 150 miles from Calecute and it takes three days by ship to reach it from the mainland." This news heralded an important change in European patterns of trade, and the Portuguese overseas enterprise would soon exercise a strong influence as it was realized that the sea-route to India opened new areas of commerce that could not be neglected. There was a great deal of interest in the Portuguese discoveries in several German cities, as this pamphlet published in Nüremberg in 1507 demonstrates. MSL

43. Balthasar Springer, Die reyse van Lissebone om te vare[n]na obsem eyelandt Naguarir in groot Indien gheleghen voor bi Callicuten, Antwerp, 1508.
Balthasar Springer, a commercial agent for the German trading houses of Welser and Fugger, held a special contract with the Portuguese Crown. He sailed with the India fleet commanded by Dom Francisco de Almeida in 1505 and wrote a diary of the voyage that first circulated in manuscript and was later printed. In the first edition of 1508 his text was accompanied by splendid illustrations, most of them by Hans Burgkmair. Some of the images in this edition—such as the famous representation of Portuguese ships—had appeared earlier in other publications, namely on the title page of an edition of Vespucci's account of the "New World." For this reason Springer's text about the East was often confused with Vespucci’s text about the West. Although Asia, Africa, and America were geographically distant from one another, they were connected by their novelty and exotism. Unsurprisingly, the very same engraving could be used in the early sixteenth century to illustrate the New World as described by Vespucci as well as the unknown lands visited by Springer on his voyage to India. MSL

44. André de Resende, Epitome rerum gestarum in India a Lusitanis, Louvain, 1531.
André de Resende was born in Évora around 1493. After studying at the Spanish universities of Alcala de Henares and Salamanca, he traveled throughout Europe and established contacts with many renowned humanists. He settled at Louvain from 1528 to 1531, where he published his Epitome, the first work in Latin dedicated to Portuguese overseas expansion. Since 1529, when Suleyman II laid siege to Vienna, the Ottoman Turks had been seen throughout Europe as a strong menace to Christianity. Nuno da Cunha, governor of the Portuguese Estado da Índia, had recently sent an expedition to the Red Sea against this threat and André de Resende was asked to write an account of this military operation. Resende somehow acquired a copy of news reports sent from India to Lisbon, and from Lisbon to the Portuguese factory in Antwerp, and translated them into cultivated Latin. This Louvain edition circulated widely and another edition was published that same year in Cologne, Germany. RML

45. António de Castilho, Comentario do cerco de Goa e Chaul no anno de M.D.LXX. visorey dom Luis de Ataide, Lisbon, 1573.
This work is an interesting example of the so-called “siege literature” of the Portuguese empire, exemplified by Diogo de Teive’s earlier Commentarius de Rebus in India apud Dium, (Coimbra, 1548). The author of the Comentario shown here is the jurist António de Castilho (d. 1596?), who focused on the Portuguese military deeds and ultimate victory in the simultaneous sieges in 1570 of Goa and Chaul, planned by the sultans of Bijapur and Ahmadnagar. Perhaps referring to Castilho’s Comentario, King Sebastian (r. 1557-1578, in a letter addressed to the city of Goa dated March 1573, states that he has ordered the history of the sieges to be written, “so that it could be printed and publicized all over the world.” JF

46. Garcia de Resende, Chronica dos valerosos e insignes feitos del rey Dom João II, Lisbon, 1622.
In his Chronicle of João II, the” Perfect Prince,” the courtier, poet, and chronicler, Garcia de Resende presents the first literary and psychological portrait of a Portuguese king. Instead of writing a traditional history of the reign, Resende, a writer of enormous literary skill, offers an admiring, intimate description of the man and the monarch. The Chronicle is especially valuable as a microhistory of court society observed and criticized from the inside. As a close, personal, life-long friend of João II, Resende endeavored to celebrate and honor the memory of the king while also investigating the themes of the changing values, mentalities, and material culture in Portugal initiated by exploration and expansion. This edition was heavily edited by censors sensitive to the author's numerous derogatory statements about Spain. Those passages were typically rewritten to provide a positive reading completely at odds with the Resende’s original purpose and meaning. MP

47. Sebastião I, king of Portugal, in Pédro de Mariz de Sousa Sarmento, Dialogos de varia historia..., Coimbra, 1594.
Mariz dedicated his life to books. He gained early experience in typography by working with his father, António de Mariz, who was publisher to the prestigious University of Coimbra. Pedro de Mariz received his degree from there as well, and secured a prominent post at the university’s outstanding library. He developed an interest in poetry and history but was particularly fascinated by personal narratives and biography. His colorful, biographical conception of history was expressed to magnificent effect in his major work, appropriately titled, Diálogos de vária história, published by his father. It is the first book in Portugal to include engraved copperplate portraits to accompany the lives of rulers. MP

48. Damião de Góis, Chronica do felicissimo rei Dom Manuel, Lisbon, 1566-1567.
Raised at the court of Manuel I, Góis spent over twenty years in northern Europe and Italy in service to the crown. He returned to Portugal to direct the national archives, a position that gave him privileged access to documents he needed to write his chronicle of the reign of Manuel I. Although Góis preferred to use official papers, eye-witness testimony, or his own first-hand observation, he relied extensively on the chronicles of Barros and Castanheda for information on events in Africa and Asia. Indeed, this is the first chronicle of a Portuguese king that explicitly constructs the history of a reign around the dominant themes of overseas expansion and conquest. The author's strict adherence to chronology means that the narrative sometimes lacks focus and moves confusingly back and forth across vast geographical areas, addressing events rather than the specific achievements or careers of individuals. Thus, the figure of the king becomes secondary to the glorious and honorable feats realized by others during his reign. Góis was criticized for his wholly secular conception and elaboration of history and for his rigorous standards of distributing praise and blame based on merit alone, a practice that won him powerful enemies who felt the chronicle should have been a vehicle for flattery and adulation. MP

49. Brás de Albuquerque, Commentarios do Grande Afonso de Albuquerque, Lisbon, 1576.
Brás de Albuquerque, the son of Afonso de Albuquerque, set out to glorify his father’s career as governor of India (1509-15), hoping to restore his reputation as a great Portuguese hero responsible for the creation of the Estado da Índia through the construction of key fortresses, the conquest of strategic ports, and his inspired, high-level diplomacy. The son felt that his father’s brilliance had not been adequately emphasized in the chronicles of Barros, Castanheda, and Góis, and his response was the Commentarios, a lengthy, coherent narrative based on his father’s correspondence with King Manuel I. It is the earliest use of letters as a historical source in Portuguese historiography and Brás radically transformed this mass of material into a heroic biography, providing both a detailed record and an interpretation of Afonso’s career. Brás modeled the form and content of his work on accounts of Julius Caesar's reign. As a leader, general, strategist, and writer, Afonso was portrayed as a "Christian Caesar" or as the "Caesar of the East." The Commentaries were first published in 1557. This second edition of 1576 represents a complete rewriting of the text with Bras's single-minded focus on establishing his father’s greatness, best indicated by the change in title that adds the simple epithet, “do grande,” implying that his heroic stature was innate. MP

50. Seige of Diu [Dio], formerly part of Portuguese India, in Jacinto Freire de Andrada, The life of Dom John de Castro, the fourth vice-roy of India, London, 1664.
Dom João de Castro (1500-1548), governor and fourth viceroy of India, was celebrated as the great military leader of Portugal who led the Estado da Índia to the apex of its power. His improbable victory over monsoon winds and Muslim forces at the second siege of Diu (1546) was championed by the crown in numerous official publications in Latin, Italian, and French. Contributing to this infectious, enduring cult of personality, Jacinto Freire de Andrada (1597-1657) published a biography in 1651. This was translated into English in 1664 by Peter Wyche, a testimony to the international fascination surrounding this remarkable figure. MP

51. Naval battle off Khambhat, India, in Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, Historia do Descobrimento & conquista da India pelos Portugueses, book 1, Coimbra, 1551.

52. Fernão Lopes de Castanheda, Histoire de Portugal, contenant les entreprises, nauigations, & gestes memorables des Portugallois, tant en la conqueste des Indes Orientales par eux descouuertes, Paris, 1581.
Fernão Lopes de Castanheda’s History of the Portuguese Discovery and Conquest of India ranks among the most important chronicles of early Portuguese expansion in Asia. The author (d. 1559) left his country as a young man in 1528 to serve as a scribe in Goa. After returning to Portugal in 1538, he became an administrative officer at the University of Coimbra, where he remained until his death. Making use of his rich personal experience and of knowledge gathered from documents and eye-witness accounts from Goa, Castanheda set out to write a chronicle of the Portuguese deeds in Asia beginning with the voyage of Vasco da Gama. His work, divided into ten books covering roughly five years each, is less marked by humanistic conventions than other works of the day, although Castanheda does cite classical authors, and his ethno-geographical descriptions are generally more vivid, though less polished, than those in Barros’ Asia. The first book of the Historia, dealing with events from 1497 to 1504, was printed in Coimbra in 1551. Only a few copies of this edition survive, and a corrected version was issued in 1554. Castanheda’s Historia was among the most widely circulated and translated Portuguese chronicles. The French adaptation shown here, prepared by Simon Goulart and printed in Paris in 1581, includes a translation of Jerónimo Osorio’s De Rebus Emmanuelis Gestis (1571). There were also Castilian, German, and English translations of Castanheda in the sixteenth century. ZB

53. Portrait of João de Barros, in Manoel Severim de Faria, Discvrsos varios politicos ... , Evora, 1624.

54. João de Barros, L’Asia, Venice, 1561.
João de Barros (c.1496-1570), court Humanist and chief administrator of the Casa da Índia at Lisbon, wrote a number of successful works including a chivalric romance, Clarimundo, and several treatises on Portuguese grammar, morals, and related subjects. His magnum opus, Da Ásia, is generally referred to as Décadas da Ásia, because it follows the structure of Livy’s Decades of the Roman Empire. Barros was one of the first Europeans to develop an interest in Asian history and geography, and in his writing he made use of a wide array of sources he had gathered together in his office, as he never traveled abroad. These included books purchased in the East by agents of the Portuguese crown—Arabic and Persian chronicles, Chinese geographical works, and Indian palm leaf manuscripts. Although Barros's annotated copy of Ptolemy's Geografia has been lost, a number of his elaborate ethno-geographic descriptions survive in Ásia. In contrast with Castanheda, Barros styled himself as a "cabinet author" who based his knowledge on a critical appreciation of the sources, rather than on personal experience. The first two Decades, dealing with the Portuguese expansion up to 1515, were printed in Lisbon in 1552-1553, shortly after Lopes de Castanheda started publishing his rival History. The third Decade came out in 1563, and a fourth, posthumous, volume saw the light in Madrid in 1615. The first two Decades were translated into Italian by Alonso de Ulloa and printed in Venice in 1562. To this day, there is still no English translation of Barros’s work. ZB

55. Luís de Camões, Os Lusíadas, Lisbon, 1572.
The Lusiads is one of the great books of Western literature and the most famous literary work in the Portuguese language. This epic poem in ten cantos combines history, current events, mythology, and imagination. The story, written while Camões was serving in Portuguese India as a soldier from 1553-1570, recalls Vasco da Gama’s 1497-1499 voyage to India with flashbacks, narrative, a long speech recounting the history of Portugal, interventions of classical gods, dreams, prophesies, and erotic visions. Approximately forty copies of the first edition exist today and the copy shown here is one of the first to be printed, having the pelican at the top of the page facing the reader’s right. (For lovers of bibliography, this is the so-called "E" edition, similar to copies at the Hispanic Society of America and Yale University. However, it is unlike the “E” copies at Harvard and University of Texas at Austin, which have the corrected “CANTO SEGUNDO” on folio 23. The copies with the uncorrected “CANTO PRIMEIRO,” such as this JCB copy, are now thought to be among the first copies printed.) KDJ

56. Portrait of Camões in Luís de Camões, The Lusiad, or Portugals historicall poem, London, 1655.
Camões lost an eye to a splinter during the period from 1546 to 1549 when he fought in the campaign in Africa. The first English translation of “Lewis Camoen's” Lusiad was done by Richard Fanshaw (1608-1666) who was educated at Cambridge and appointed English ambassador to Portugal and then Spain. Another English translation would not be done for more than a century. Fanshaw was a Latinist who also translated Giovanni Battista Guarini’s Il Pastor Fido (1590)—The Faithful Shepherd, (1647)—and selected Latin poetry and epitaphs. His translation of Camões uses a six-line stanza followed by a final couplet, rhymed ABABABCC. KDJ

"Portugal and Renaissance Europe" - The John Carter Brown Library (2ª Parte)

"Portugal and Renaissance Europe"
April 15 to October 15, 2008 Prepared by Jorge Flores, Department of Portuguese and Brazilian Studies, Brown University

Exhibition prepared by Henrique Leitão [HL], Kenneth David Jackson [KDJ], Marília dos Santos Lopes [MSL], Mario Pereira [MP], Rui Manuel Loureiro [RML], Timothy Walker [TW], and Zoltán Biedermann [ZB], under the direction of Jorge Flores, Department of Portuguese and Brazilian Studies, Brown University.

2ª Parte
Geographies of Knowledge: European cultural networks and Portuguese intellectuals
In: http://www.brown.edu/Facilities/John_Carter_Brown_Library/Portugal/Geographies.html

Lisbon, capital of both the Portuguese kingdom and empire, had nurtured links with prominent European centers of trade, culture, and politics since the Middle Ages. Connections with Italian cities like Florence (home of the affluent Marchionni and Sernigi merchants), and Genoa were particularly strong. In Northern Europe, relevant ties were woven with Augsburg and Nuremberg in Germany and Bruges, and Antwerp in Flanders, areas shaped by the activities of “dynasties” of prominent and educated businessmen like the Welser and the Fugger. Antwerp was the center of these interactions in the early sixteenth century and the Portuguese crown soon established a feitoria (trading post) in the city.


Prince Pedro (1392-1449), the brother of Henry the Navigator (1394-1460), was one of the first Portuguese to navigate these cultural networks in the age of exploration. Pedro traveled extensively in Europe from 1425 to 1428 and, on his way back to Lisbon, managed to bring from Venice a manuscript book by Marco Polo. But it was in the sixteenth century, partly due to the dynamic cultural policy of King João III (r. 1521-1557), that the number of Portuguese traveling and studying in Europe grew dramatically. “Geographies of Knowledge” intends to underscore the impact on European thought of a group of Portuguese intellectuals and their work in a variety of fields, from history and botany to mathematics and nautical science.

19. Astronomical tables in Abraham ben Samuel Zacuto, Almanach perpetuum, Venice, 1502.
Zacuto’s Almanach perpetuum enjoys a special place in the history of the development of Portuguese maritime techniques as it seems to have been the source of important parameters and numerical tables necessary for the astronomical navigation practiced by Portuguese sailors. Its author, Abraham Zacuto (1452-1515), was one of the leading Jewish intellectuals in Spain who, after the expulsion of 1492, went to Portugal and afterwards to North Africa. The first edition of the Almanach perpetuum was published in Leiria (Portugal), in 1496, thus being the first scientific treatise printed in Portugal. The Venice edition of 1502 is an improved edition, with annotations and corrections by Alfonso de Córdoba, a physician in the service of Cardinal Borgia in Rome. HL
20. Armillary sphere in Francisco Faleiro, Tratado del esphera y del arte del marear, Seville, 1535.
The Portuguese pilot Francisco Faleiro, who for many years served the Spanish crown, wrote one of the earliest books on the arte de marear (“the art of seamanship”). This type of book contained the essential knowledge needed for oceanic sailing–a brief theoretical description of the basic concepts of cosmography and astronomy, usually along the lines of Sacrobosco’s Treatise on the Sphere, followed by a description of the procedures, techniques, and instruments used at sea. Faleiro’s book was especially noteworthy for its clarity and for the fact that it introduced novel techniques and instruments. Sixteenth and early seventeenth century Iberian authors published their influential texts on the art of seamanship closely following the structure proposed by Faleiro in this work. HL

21. Pedro Nunes, Tratado da spheracom a theorica do sol & da lua..., Lisbon, 1537.

The first book published by the Portuguese mathematician Pedro Nunes (1502-1578). It contains Portuguese translations of some of the most important texts used in introductory courses on cosmography: Sacrobosco’s Treatise on the Sphere, the first book of Ptolemy’s Geography, and the first chapters of Peuerbach’s Theorica novae planetarum. But what truly makes it an exceptional work is that in addition to these translations it contains two remarkable texts composed by Nunes: the "Treatise on certain doubts of navigation" and the "Treatise in defense of the maritime chart." These two texts introduce new concepts (such as the notion of “rhumb line”), and propose a systematic and rigorous approach to nautical problems that heralds the birth of mathematical navigation. HL

22. Diogo de Sá, De Navigatione libri tres, Paris, 1549.
Diogo de Sá’s De navigatione is an attack on Pedro Nunes’ works and ideas on navigation. Sá combined a strong scholarly background with extensive practical experience at sea, something that Nunes lacked. Based on this combination of skills he mounted a violent critique, not only of Nunes’ mathematical ideas, but against mathematics in general. The book is written as a dialogue between a philosopher and a mathematician in which the first repeatedly exposes the limitations and superficiality of the mathematics of the second. De navigatione is an interesting testimony to the reaction against the mathematical study of nature, but it does not seem to have caused much impact. Nunes never replied to the attacks and the arguments of Diogo de Sá were soon forgotten. HL

23. Navigation calculations in Luís Serrão Pimentel, Arte pratica de navegar e regimento de pilotos, Lisbon, 1681
Luís Serrão Pimentel (1613-1679) is one of the key figures of seventeenth-century science in Portugal. He succeeded António de Mariz Carneiro as cosmógrafo-mor (chief-cosmographer) of the kingdom in 1641, the same function exerted by the celebrated Pedro Nunes between 1529 and 1578. The cosmógrafo-mor was responsible for examining and certifying all those seeking to prepare maritime charts and nautical tools. Serrão Pimentel was also appointed chief engineer of Portugal and taught mathematics, navigation, and military fortification in the aula da matemática founded in Lisbon, 1647. Besides the Arte pratica de navegar, he authored many other books, such as Methodo lusitanico de desenhar as fortificaçoens das praças (Lisbon, 1680). His son Manuel Pimentel (1650-1719) was to follow in his footsteps as cosmógrafo-mor and author of works on the art of seamanship, such as the Arte de navegar (Lisbon, 1699). JF

24. Gómez de Santisteban, Livro do infante D. Pedro de Portugal, o qual andou as sete partidas do mundo, Lisbon, 1644.
This short but influential book by the otherwise unknown Spanish writer Gómez de Santisteban displays a strange mixture of fact, myth, and pure fantasy. As prince and later as Regent of Portugal (1439-1446), Dom Pedro orchestrated the earliest phases of Portuguese maritime expansion. In addition, he gained fame for his extensive travels across Europe, where he received a hero’s welcome from England to Hungary. Dom Pedro established diplomatic contacts with the great centers of international commerce, obtaining information on international trade, communication, and naval construction in such cities as London, Bruges, Florence, Rome, and especially Venice. The literary genius of Gómez de Santisteban was to combine Dom Pedro’s already celebrated travels (as well as a rumored trip to the Holy Land) with the fervent desire of Europeans at the beginning of the sixteenth century to connect with the legendary Christian communities of Prester John in Ethiopia and the followers of St. Thomas the Apostle near his tomb in Meliapor, India. Only one copy of the first Spanish edition of 1515 and the first Portuguese translation of 1602 are known. This second Portuguese edition is likewise rare. MP

25. António Pereira, [North and South América, ca. 1545], manuscript.
This map is one of the earliest to show the results of Spanish exploration of North and South America. Francisco de Orellana's expedition of 1539 to 1542 is shown in South America. Orellana began his voyage at Quito, traveled across the Andes to the headwaters of the Amazon, and was the first European to make the descent of the Amazon River. He named the river after the Amazons of Greek myth after he and his men encountered a tribe of women warriors.This map has been attributed to António Pereira, a Portuguese seaman, and was originally in three parts (the other two parts have not been found).

26. Gaspar Barreiros, Chorographia de alguns lugares que stam em hum caminho, Coimbra, 1561.
In 1546 the Cardinal Infante Dom Henrique sent Gaspar Barreiros, a cleric and humanist, on an embassy to Rome to give thanks to the Pope for Dom Henrique’s recent elevation to cardinal. At the request of his uncle, the historian João de Barros, Barreiros recorded his travels from Spain to Italy. The resulting Chorographia is rich in personal experience and acute observation of the places, buildings, and peoples he encountered. Writing as a learned geographer and antiquary, Barreiros also included a healthy dose of erudition and criticism–he distrusted books, valuing knowledge gained from direct observation and experience instead. Although admitting that numerous Greek and Roman authors had written about the same places he had, Barreiros asserted that a new description was necessary because things continually change. MP

27. Gaspar Barreiros, Casparis Varrerii Lusitani commentarius de Ophyra regione..., Rotterdam, 1616.
Gaspar Barreiros’s suspicion of texts and his challenges to traditional scholarship earned him an international reputation as a detector of misconceptions and forgeries. In his Latin text, De Ophyra regione, Barreiros demolished the prevailing idea that the Biblical region of Ophir, from which Solomon had obtained great quantities of gold, was actually located in Peru. Originally published as part of the Chorographia, this essay was subsequently printed separately, as in the edition shown here from Rotterdam. It was also included as part of numerous books on New World subjects. MP

28. Damião de Góis, Hispania, Louvain, 1542.
Góis quickly penned this short polemical treatise in Latin in response to the offensive remarks the German humanist Sebastian Münster made about Iberia in his 1540 edition of Ptolemy’s Geographia Universalis. Góis tried to prove the power, greatness, and glory of Iberia by compiling lengthy lists of facts and figures. His triumphant section on military heroes includes Dom Francisco de Almeida and Dom Afonso de Albuquerque, the first two governors of the Portuguese Estado da Índia, while the conquistadors Fernando Cortes and Francisco Pizarro represent the conquests made in the New World for Castile. The second half of this patriotic defense directly confronts Münster’s accusations with varying degrees of precision and success. Góis proudly defends the economic and agricultural vitality of Iberia, as evidenced by the variety of exotic goods from Asia, Africa, and the Americas that arrived daily at the ports of Lisbon and Seville. But for Góis, the ultimate proof of the prosperity and magnificence of Iberia was the presence of several elephants and a rhinoceros at the Portuguese royal court. MP

29. Johannes Boemus, Mores, leges, et ritus omnium gentium, Louvain, 1561.
The present edition of Joannes Boemus’s (c. 1485-1535) Omnium gentium mores leges et ritus ex multis clarissimis rerum scriptoribus (first published in Augsburg, 1520) is one of the many sixteenth-century printed books to include Fides, Religio Moresque AEthiopum. Originally published in Louvain in 1540, this Latin book reflects the meeting between its author, Damião de Góis, and Saga Za’ab («Zagazabo»), the Ethiopian ruler Lebna Dengel's ambassador to Portugal. Góis echoes Saga Za’ab’s detailed statement about the nature and practice of the Christian religion in his country, which was viewed with growing suspicion in Lisbon, and in Rome. In the years of the Counter-Reformation, Fides, Religio Moresque AEthiopum was to face both censorship and public refutation, but it stands as one of the major writings of the Portuguese humanist Damião de Góis, as well as an important piece of the intellectual history of sixteenth-century Europe. JF

30. André de Resende, Deliciae Lusitano-Hispanicae..., Cologne, 1613.
Using a wide range of sources such as ancient Roman inscriptions and medieval Arabic chronicles, and employing an innovative variety of historical methods, such as archaeology and etymology, the antiquary, humanist and neo-Latin poet André de Resende (1498-1573) set out to persuade his fellow countrymen and other Europeans of the falsehood of the idea that in Iberia “Hispani omnes sumus” (xxxxxx) and to prove wrongly, as it turned out, that ancient Roman Lusitania was identical with modern Portugal. Resende patriotically distorted his evidence to reveal the supposed Lusitanian origins of Portugal and the Portuguese people. He claimed the ancient figures of Viriato and Sertorius as national heroes and maintained that contemporary Portuguese had inherited the noble, valorous character and heroic traditions of the Lusitanians. He stressed their courage, their undying adherence to the cause of independence, and their resistance against the foreign Roman invader. Resende was determined to demonstrate that Portugal possessed a distinct identity as an independent nation of people distinguished by heroic valor. MP

31. Jerónimo Osório, De Rebus Emmanuelis regis Lusitaniae..., Lisbon, 1571.
32. Jerónimo Osório, Hieronymi Osorii Lusitani, Siluensis in Algarbiis episcopi; de rebus; Emmanuelis regis Lusitaniæ..., Cologne, 1574.
As a leading humanist and influential member of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, Osório was commissioned by the Cardinal Infante D. Henrique to compose in Latin a history of his father’s reign in order to make the astounding achievements of the Portuguese and the inestimable glory of King Manuel better known throughout the leading intellectual circles of Europe. The resulting publication was an enormous success. Several editions were issued in quick succession in Germany and the Latin text was swiftly translated into English and French. Montaigne vigorously endorsed Osório as “le meilleur historien de nos siècles.” MP
33. Cinnamon bark in Garcia de Orta, Aromatum, et simplicium aliquot medicamentorum apud Indos Nascentium Historia, Antwerp, 1567.

34. Peppercorns in Garcia de Orta, Dell’ historia de i semplici aromati, el altre cose che vengono portate dall’ Indie Orientali pertinenti all’uso della medicina, Venice, 1589.
This is the first edition of the Latin translation of Portuguese physician Garcia da Orta’s masterwork, Colóquios dos simples e drogas he cousas medicinais da Índia (1563). Orta was professionally active in Portuguese Asia for over three decades (1534-1568). By interacting with Hindu and Muslim medical practitioners in India, Orta learned detailed information about indigenous healing practices and the application of local medicinal plants, which he codified and published in the Colóquios. The original text, printed at the Rachol Seminary in Goa, India, was the second European book published in Asia. As the first textbook on tropical medicine and Indian materia medica written by a European, this work would transform the Western understanding of and appreciation for Asian medicine. Publication of Garcia da Orta’s text excited great interest among Europe’s educated elite. The edition on display is an unauthorized (and incomplete) Latin translation by the prominent French botanist and physician Carolus Clusius (Charles Lécluse, 1526-1609). Clusius modified and augmented Orta’s text, adding substantial new material relating to plants of the Americas. Editions of Orta’s work soon appeared in English, French, and Italian, as well, pirated from Clusius’s abridged Latin text. The Venice, 1589, edition displayed here is a re-issue of an unauthorized translation, first published in Venice thirteen years earlier. TW
35. Pineapple in Cristóvão da Costa, Tractado delas drogas y medicinas de las Indias Orientales, Burgos, 1578.
This is the first edition of an influential, illustrated Spanish-language botanical text by the Portuguese physician Cristóvão da Costa (c. 1515-1594). Costa was a Jesuit missionary, a naturalist, and a physician who had first traveled to the Estado da Índia as a soldier. He returned to Europe for medical training, but again served in India from 1568 to 1572, first in Goa as physician to the Portuguese viceroy and then in the royal hospital of Cochin. Cristovão da Costa followed Garcia da Orta’s model, simply adapting much of the original text of the Colóquios. Costa’s systematic plant descriptions, however, improved the detail and accuracy of the earlier text. Further, where Orta’s original text was un-illustrated, Costa’s work is notable for its forty-seven (mostly) full-page plates, created as woodcuts based on the author’s own highly accurate drawings of Asian plants. Costa also included important new information about plants from the West Indies. TW
36. Banana palm in Cristóvão da Costa, Traicté de Christophe de la Coste..., Lyon, 1602.
Though it bears Cristovão da Costa’s name, this is actually a French translation of Carolus Clusius’ Aromatum (Antwerp, 1567), itself a translation of Portuguese physician Garcia da Orta’s Colóquios. This translation was completed by Antoine Colin, “Master Apothecary of the City of Lyon,” who in the early seventeenth century translated and published several seminal materia medica treatises from the newly explored regions outside Europe. The publisher, Jean Pillehotte, was the designated printer for the Society of Jesus for the city of Lyons and its environs. His print shop published an abundance of influential scientific and ecclesiastical texts in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. Jesuit interest in medical texts derived from the healing institutions they operated in connection with their missionary activities in India, China, and the Americas. TW

Historie del S.D. Fernando Colombo - Fernando Colón

Colón , Fernando; Ulloa , Alfonso de; Pané , Ramón  - Historie del S.D. Fernando Colombo; : nelle quali s'ha particolare, & v...